By Steven L. Taylor
4 distinct students in political technology research American democracy from a comparative viewpoint, exploring how the U.S. political process differs from that of thirty different democracies and what these changes finally suggest for democratic functionality. This crucial textual content techniques the subsequent associations from a political engineering standpoint: constitutions, electoral platforms, and political events, in addition to legislative, govt, and judicial energy. The textual content appears to be like at democracies from around the globe over a two-decade timeframe. the result's not just a clean view of the much-discussed subject of yank exceptionalism but in addition an cutting edge method of comparative politics that treats the us as yet one case between many. a fantastic textbook for either American and comparative politics courses.
Steven L. Taylor is professor and chair of political technological know-how, Troy collage. Matthew S. Shugart is professor of political technological know-how, collage of California, Davis. Arend Lijphart is learn professor emeritus of political technology, college of California, San Diego. Bernard Grofman is professor of political technological know-how, collage of California, Irvine.
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Extra resources for A Different Democracy: American Government in a 31-Country Perspective
S. broadcasting policy. "74 Few observers at the time characterized the body as anything remotely close to the "philosopher kings'' that Senator Dill had envisioned. Except for the appreciation displayed by the commercial broadcasting industry, the FRC was a largely unpopular body throughout its seven-year history. As much as the nonprofit broadcasters were hostile toward the FRC, they were every bit as hostile toward the networks and the commercial broadcasting industry. The format whereby capitalist broadcasters applied directly for frequencies occupied by nonprofit broadcasters and attempted to establish to the FRC their superiority at serving the "public interest" certainly did not lay the groundwork for cordial relations.
S. broadcast policy, it merits some elaboration. , that each station would be required to permit anybody who so desired access to their facilities if they were willing to pay a fair price). Rather, the FRC argued that broadcasters were not licensed to serve users, but rather to serve listeners. " Although the excesses of advertising needed to be regulated, the FRC made it clear that it had no interest in inhibiting the financial support it brought to the industry. " To do this the broadcaster needed to provide "a well-rounded program" of entertainment as well as cultural programming.
This interpretation of the public interest, convenience, or necessity was a clear endorsement of the private commercial development of the airwaves. The FRC's Third Annual Report stated baldly that a general public service broadcaster has "a claim of preference over a propaganda station," when they contended for access to the same channel. "60 Numerous nonprofit stations would fall victim to this logic and see their hours reduced and the time turned over to capitalist broadcasters, often affiliated with one of the two networks.